Qur’an Explains Real Purpose Of Life
by Harun Yahya
From: The Ambition - The first Journal of young Muslims in Canada
Issue: November 2006 - - Website: http://www.theambition.com
Throughout world history, billions of people
came into being, lived and then died. Only a minority of these
people endeavoured to grasp the real purpose of life. The rest
simply drifted with the daily flow of events and spent their
lives in vain pursuits. Basically, fulfilling their own desires
became their main purpose in life. An unconscious and irresponsible
attitude underlay this dominant mode of behaviour in almost
all societies throughout ages. Every generation, with a few
exceptions, repeated the errors of the preceding ones and simply
adopted the purposes and values of their forefathers. This is
a vicious cycle still repeated today.
The majority of people are enslaved by
“unvarying” philosophies and principles, which are
mostly based on the following line of reasoning: Man comes into
existence, becomes adult, grows old and dies. One is born only
once, and death puts an end to everything. This is why people
have to “make the most of life”
and strive to satisfy their whims and desires throughout their
lives.
Thus, people come to spend their lives
which they think to be their one and only chance by adhering
to the life style and mode of behaviour they inherit from past
generations. In a spirit totally deprived of the awareness of
death, they make pursuing pleasures and planning for the future
the ultimate aims of their lives. Regardless of cultural and
social differences, this fact holds true for all people. A prestigious
education, an admirable position in business life, high standards
of living, a happy family and countless similar goals become
the unchanging pursuits of life.
These goals can be further extended and
would fill many pages if enumerated. However, the truth is,
all these people turn a blind eye to the one and only reason
for their existence. Meanwhile, they spend a whole life, which
is a unique opportunity offered to them to accomplish their
ultimate purpose, in vain. This ultimate purpose is to be a
servant of God. God explains this in the Qur’an as follows:
“I only created jinn and man
to worship Me.” (Surat adh-Dhariyat: 56)
The way to be a good servant of God is
also communicated in the Qur’an. Being a servant of God
means accepting the unity and existence of God; knowing His
attributes and appreciating His majesty, serving no other deity
except Him and devoting one’s life to earning His approval.
In the Qur’an, the moral values and lifestyle favoured
by God are described in detail and people are summoned to this
way of living.
A person living within the boundaries set
by these values is given the good tidings of a perfect life
both in this world and beyond. Otherwise, a bitter end awaits
man.
The lifestyle one adheres to in this world
shapes his eternal life. After death, there is no opportunity
whatsoever to compensate for one’s reprehensible deeds.
Therefore, behaving as if man owes his existence in this world
to coincidences, as if he is not bounded by any limits, and
as if he has come to this world to spend his life in the pursuit
of vain desires would ultimately lead to his own ruination.
Those behaving irresponsibly
towards their Creator, ignoring the real
purpose of their existence, and remaining unconcerned about
its consequences in the life beyond will be chided thus in the
Hereafter: “Did you suppose
that We created you for amusement and that you would not return
to Us?” (Surat al-Mu’minun: 115)
In reality, such people are not unaware
of their purpose in life: God proclaimed it through His messengers
and books and provided guidance to the true path. Furthermore,
man is granted a lifetime to take warning. A show of regret
by those who, having turned a deaf ear to all these opportunities,
have deviated from their real purpose in life and pursued their
own desires will not save them from torment: “They
will shout out in it: ‘Our Lord! Take us out! We will
act rightly, differently from the way we used to act!’
But He will answer: ‘Did We not let you live long enough
for anyone who was going to pay heed to pay heed? And did not
the warner come to you? Have a taste of it then! There is no
helper for the wrongdoers.’” (Surah Fatir: 37)
The Muslim malaise
(from Toronto Star
- www.thestar.com)
Aug. 20, 2006. 07:03 AM
by: HAROON SIDDIQUI
link
to this article
He who wrongs a Jew or a Christian
will have me as his accuser on the Day of Judgment.
— Prophet Muhammad
Contrary to the popular belief that the
West is under siege from Muslim terrorists, it is Muslims who
have become the biggest victims of the attacks of September
11, 2001, as inconceivable as that would have seemed in the
aftermath of the murder of 2,900 Americans. Since then, between
34,000 and 100,000 Iraqis have been killed by the Americans
or the insurgents. Nobody knows how many have been killed in
Afghanistan. In the spots hit by terrorists — from London
and Madrid to Amman, Istanbul, Riyadh and Jeddah, through Karachi
to Bali and Jakarta — more Muslims have been killed and
injured than non-Muslims.
None of this is to say that Muslims do not
have problems that they must address. They do. But the problems
are not quite what many in the West make them out to be.
One of the strangest aspects of the post-9/11
world is that, despite all the talk about Muslim terrorism,
there is hardly any exploration of the complex causes of Muslim
rage. Muslims are in a state of crisis, but their most daunting
problems are not religious. They are geopolitical, economic
and social — problems that have caused widespread Muslim
despair and, in some cases, militancy, both of which are expressed
in the religious terminology that Muslim masses relate to.
Most Muslims live in the developing world,
much of it colonized by Western powers as recently as 50 years
ago. Not all Muslim shortcomings emanate from colonialism and
neo-imperialism, but several do.
As part of the spoils of the First World
War, Britain and France helped themselves to much of the Ottoman
Empire, including Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and what is now Israel,
Jordan and the Palestine Authority. In later years, they and
other European colonial powers created artificial states such
as Kuwait and Nigeria. Or they divided peoples and nations along
sectarian lines, such as bifurcating India in 1947 into Muslim
Pakistan and largely Hindu India. In more recent years, the
United States has maintained repressive proxy regimes in the
Middle East to stifle public anti-Israeli sentiments, keep control
of oil and maintain a captive market for armaments.
While the past casts a long shadow over
Muslims, it is the present that haunts them. Hundreds of millions
live in zones of conflict, precisely in the areas of European
and American meddling, past and present — U.S.-occupied
Iraq, U.S.-controlled Afghanistan, the Israeli Occupied Territories,
and Kashmir, the disputed Muslim state on the border of India
and Pakistan in the foothills of the Himalayas. Only the Russian
war on Muslim Chechnya is not related to the history of Western
machinations, but even that has had the tacit support of the
Bush administration. These conflicts, along with the economic
sanctions on Iraq, have killed an estimated 1.3 million Muslims
in the last 15 years alone. Why are we surprised that Muslims
are up in arms?
In addition, nearly 400 million Muslims
live under authoritarian despots, many of them Western puppets,
whose corruption and incompetence have left their people in
economic and social shambles.
It is against this backdrop that one must
look at the current malaise of Muslims and their increasing
emotional reliance on their faith.
Economic Woes
The total GDP of the 56 members of the Islamic
Conference, representing more than a quarter of the world's
population, is less than 5 per cent of the world's economy.
Their trade represents 7 per cent of global trade, even though
more than two-thirds of the world's oil and gas lie under Muslim
lands.
The standard of living in Muslim nations
is abysmal even in the oil-rich regions, because of unconscionable
gaps between the rulers and the ruled. A quarter of impoverished
Pakistan's budget goes to the military. Most of the $2 billion
a year of American aid given to Egypt as a reward for peace
with Israel goes to the Egyptian military.
The most undemocratic Muslim states, which
also happen to be the closest allies of the U.S., are the most
economically backward.
The Arab nations, with a combined population
of 280 million, muster a total GDP less than that of Spain.
The rate of illiteracy among Arabs is 43 per cent, worse than
that of much poorer nations. Half of Arab women are illiterate,
representing two-thirds of the 65 million Arabs who cannot read
or write. About 10 million Arab children are not in school.
The most-educated Arabs live abroad, their talents untapped,
unlike those of the Chinese and Indian diasporas, who have played
significant roles in jump-starting the economies of their native
lands.
A disproportionate percentage of the world's
youth are Muslim. Half of Saudi Arabia's and a third of Iran's
populations are younger than 20. There are few jobs for them.
"Young and unemployed" is a phenomenon common to many
Muslim nations.
A majority of the world's 12 million to
15 million refugees are Muslims, fleeing poverty and oppression.
Europe's 20 million Muslims suffer high unemployment and poverty,
especially in Germany and France. It was inevitable that many
Muslims would find comfort in Islam.
Islamic Resurgence
Fundamentalism has been on the rise, and
not just in Islam. There has been a parallel rise in Judaism,
Christianity, Hinduism, Sikhism and Buddhism, with its inevitable
political fallout — in the Israeli settler movement in
the Occupied Territories, the politicization of the American
conservative right (culminating in the election and re-election
of George W. Bush), the rise to power of the Hindu nationalists
in India, the Sikh separatist movement in the Punjab in India,
and the aggressive nationalism of the Sinhalese in Sri Lanka.
That many Muslims have become "fundamentalist"
does not mean that they are all fanatic and militant. Nor is
the Muslim condition fully explained by the use of petro-dollars.
First, Arab financial support for Islamic institutions around
the world is still no match for the resources available for
Christian global missionary or Zionist political work. Second,
and more to the point, the rise of Islam is not confined to
areas of Arab financial influence; it is a worldwide phenomenon.
Mosques are full. The use of the hijab (headscarf
) is on the rise. Madrassahs (religious schools) are packed.
Zakat (Islamic charity) is at record levels, especially where
governments have failed to provide essential services. In Egypt,
much of the health care, emergency care and education are provided
by the Muslim Brotherhood, in the Occupied Territories by Hamas,
in Pakistan and elsewhere by groups that may be far less political
but are no less Islamic.
With state institutions riddled with corruption
and nepotism, some of the most talented Muslims, both rich and
poor, have abandoned the official arena and retreated into the
non-governmental domain of Islamic civil society.
The empty public sphere has been filled
with firebrands — ill-tutored and ill-informed clergy
or populist politicians who rally the masses with calls for
jihad (struggle) for sundry causes. The greater the injustices
in Iraq, Afghanistan, the Israeli Occupied Territories, Chechnya
or elsewhere, the greater the public support for those calling
for jihad. Jihad has also proven to be good business for many
a mullah (Muslim priest) who has become rich or influential,
or both, preaching it. Meanwhile, unelected governments lack
the legitimacy and confidence to challenge the militant clerics,
and fluctuate between ruthlessly repressing them and trying
to out-Islamize them.
To divert domestic anger abroad, many governments
also allow and sometimes encourage the radicals to rant at the
U.S. and rave at Israel, or just at Jews. Sometimes even the
elected leaders join in, as has Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmedinijad,
denying the Holocaust and calling for Israel to be "wiped
off the map."
In reality, most Muslim states are powerless
to address the international crises that their publics want
addressed. They have neither the military nor the economic and
political clout to matter much to the U.S., the only power that
counts these days. Or, as in the case of Egypt, Jordan, and
the oil-rich Arab oligarchies, they are themselves dependent
on Washington for their own survival.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
`Muslims have developed a complex.
They think they won't
be heard if they don't shout. Every statement
is like a war'
Sharifa Zuriah - Founder, Sisters in Islam
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Feeling abandoned, the Muslim masses find
comfort in religion. The Palestinian resistance to Israeli occupation
was a secular struggle before it became "Islamic."
The same was true of the Lebanese resistance to the Israeli
occupation of southern Lebanon, and also of the Chechen resistance
to Russian repression.
Similarly, domestic critics of authoritarian
regimes have found a hospitable home in the mosque. Islam being
their last zone of comfort, most Muslims react strongly —
sometimes irrationally and violently — when their faith
or their Prophet is mocked or criticized, as the world witnessed
during the Danish cartoon crisis. They react the way the angry
disenfranchised do — hurling themselves into the streets,
shouting themselves hoarse and destroying property, without
much concern for the consequences, and engendering even more
hostility in the West toward Muslims and Islam. But, as the
American civil rights leader Martin Luther King famously said,
riots are the voice of the voiceless.
Muslims have developed a "siege mentality,
which is what the screaming, dogmatic and atavistic clerics"
appeal to, says Chandra Muzaffar, Malaysian Muslim human rights
activist. As he was telling me this in Kuala Lumpur in 2005,
Sharifa Zuriah, a founder of Sisters in Islam, an advocacy group
for Malaysian Muslim women, intervened: "Muslims have developed
a complex. They think they won't be heard if they don't shout.
Every statement is like a war."
Then there is real war, the war of terrorism.
Terrorism's Fallout
"That a majority of Al Qaeda are Muslims
is not to say that a majority of Muslims are Al Qaeda, or subscribe
to its tenets," Stephen Schulhofer, professor of law at
New York University, told me in 2003. But it is also true that
most terrorists these days are Muslims. That may only be a function
of the times we live in — yesterday's terrorists came
from other religions and tomorrow's may hail from some other.
Still, terrorism has forced a debate among Muslims, who are
divided into two camps. One side says that Muslims should no
more have to apologize for their extremists than Christians,
Jews or Hindus or anybody else, and that doing so only confirms
the collective guilt being placed on Muslims. The other side
believes that as long as some Muslims are blowing up civilians
in suicide bombings, slitting the throats of hostages and committing
other grisly acts, it is the duty of all Muslims to speak out
and challenge the murderers' warped theology.
The latter view has prevailed. Terrorism
— suicide bombings in particular— has been widely
condemned. Just because an overwhelming majority of Muslims
condemn Osama bin Laden and other extremists, however, does
not mean that they feel any less for Muslims in Iraq or Palestine.
Or that the internal debate that he has forced on Muslims is
new. Throughout their 1,400-year history, Muslims have argued
and quarrelled over various interpretations of the Qur'an and
religious traditions.
But it is a sign of the times that the most
extreme interpretation of the Qur'an appeals to Muslim masses
these days, and that far too many clerics are attacking Christians
and Jews and delivering fire-and-brimstone sermons full of the
imagery of war and martyrdom. This is contrary to the message
of the Qur'an — Do not argue with the followers of earlier
revelation other than in the most kindly manner (29:46) —
and the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad: "Do not consider
me better than Moses," and, "I am closest of all people
to Jesus, son of Mary."
For all the emphasis that today's clerics
put on the Prophet's war record, he spent a total of less than
a week in actual battle in the 23 years of his prophethood.
He advised his followers to "be moderate in religious matters,
for excess caused the destruction of earlier communities."
A moderate himself, he smiled often, spoke softly and delivered
brief sermons. "The Prophet disliked ranting and raving,"
wrote Imam Bukhari, the ninth-century Islamic scholar of the
Prophet's sayings. Ayesha, the Prophet's wife, reported that
"he spoke so few words that you could count them."
His most famous speech, during the Haj pilgrimage in AD 632,
which laid down an entire covenant, was less than 2,800 words.
Muhammad was respectful of Christians and
Jews. Hearing the news that the king of Ethiopia had died, he
told his followers, "A righteous man has died today; so
stand up and pray for your brother." When a Christian delegation
came to Medina, he invited them to conduct their service in
the mosque, saying, "This is a place consecrated to God."
When Saffiyah, one of his wives, complained that she was taunted
for her Jewish origins, he told her, "Say unto them, `my
father is Aaron, and my uncle is Moses.'"
Yet angry Muslims, not unlike African Americans
not too long ago, pay little heed to voices of moderation. This
is partly a reflection of the fact that there is no central
religious authority in Islam. Only the minority Shiites have
a religious hierarchy of ayatollahs, who instruct followers
on religious and sometimes political matters. The majority Sunnis
do not have the equivalent of the Pope or the Archbishop of
Canterbury. A central tenet of their faith is that there is
no intermediary between the believer and God. This makes for
great democracy — everyone is free to issue a fatwa (religious
ruling) and everyone else is free to ignore it. But the "fatwa
chaos" does create confusion — among non-Muslims,
who are spooked by the - rhetoric, and also among Muslims,
who are left wondering about the "right answers" to
some of the most pressing issues of the day.
Muslim Apologetics
There are two kinds of Muslim apologetics.
The first is denial: there's little or nothing wrong with Muslims,
when there clearly is. The second, seen among some Muslims in
the West, takes the form of self-flagellation, of apologizing
for their faith or distancing themselves from it. To wit:
"Yes, the problem is Islam, and we
must fix it." (Why is Islam any more of a problem than
any other faith? And how are they going to fix it?)
"I am a Muslim but I am not a fundamentalist
Muslim." (Do Christians say, "I am Christian but not
an evangelical Christian?")
"I am a Muslim but ashamed to call
myself one." (Do all Hindus have to apologize for those
few who, in 1992, went on a mosque-ravaging rampage in India?)
Some of these sentiments may be genuinely
held. More likely, they reflect the immigrant pathology of catering
to majority mores, a new twist on the past practice of immigrants
to North America anglicizing their names.
Such defensiveness aside, Muslims do suffer
from deeper problems. Many are preoccupied with the minutiae
of rituals (Should one wash the bare feet before prayers or
do so symbolically over the socks?) at the expense of the centrality
of the faith, which is fostering peace, justice and compassion,
not just for Muslims but for everyone. Many Muslims are too
judgmental of each other, whereas a central tenet of their faith
is that it is up to God to judge — Your Lord knows best
who goes astray (53:30) (also, 6:117, 16:125, 17:94, 28:56,
68:7).
Some Muslims have taken to a culture of
conspiracy theories. Hence the notion that Princess Diana did
not die in an accident but was killed because the British royal
family did not want her to marry Dodi Al Fayed, a Muslim. Or
the canard that Jews working at the World Trade Center had advance
notice of 9/11.
There is too much of a literalist reading
of the Qur'an (a trait, ironically, also adopted by anti-Islamists
in the West). There is too little ijtehad (religious innovation)
as called for by Islam to keep believers in tune with their
times. Theological rigidity and narrow-mindedness have led,
among other things, to Sunni hostility toward the minority Shiites,
as seen in the sectarian killings in Pakistan.
Muslims complain about the West's double
standards, yet they have their own. While they often criticize
the United States and Europe for mistreating Muslims, they rarely
speak up against the persecution of non-Muslims by Muslims.
They also show a high tolerance for Muslims killing fellow Muslims.
The Sudanese genocide of the non-Arab Muslims of Darfur drew
mostly silence. The killing of Shiites by the Sunnis in Iraq
was shrugged off as part of the anti-U.S. resistance. The overt
and subtle racism of the oil-rich Arab states toward the millions
of their guest workers goes unmourned.
Muslims do not have much to be proud of
in the contemporary world. So they take comfort in their burgeoning
numbers. At the turn of the millennium in 2000, there were many
learned papers projecting the rise in Muslim population. But
if Muslims have not achieved much at 1.3 billion, they are not
likely to at 1.5 billion, either.
To escape the present, many Muslims hark
back to their glorious past: how Islam was a reform movement;
how Muslims led the world in knowledge, in astronomy, chemistry,
mathematics, medicine, natural sciences, philosophy and physics;
and how the Islamic empires were successful primarily because,
with some egregious exceptions, they nurtured the local cultures
and respected the religions of their non-Muslim majority populations.
This is why Egypt and Syria remained non-Muslim under Muslim
rule for 300 years and 600 years, respectively, and India always
remained majority Hindu.
As true as all that history is, it is not
very helpful today unless Muslims learn something from it —
to value human life; accept each other's religious differences;
respect other faiths; return to their historic culture of academic
excellence, scientific inquiry and economic self-reliance; and
learn to live with differences of opinion and the periodic rancorous
debates that mark democracies.
It may be unfair to berate ordinary Muslims,
given that too many are struggling to survive, that nearly half
live under authoritarian regimes where they can speak up only
on pain of being incarcerated, tortured or killed, and that
they are helpless spectators to the sufferings of fellow Muslims
in an unjust world order. Yet Muslims have no choice but to
confront their challenges, for Allah never changes a people's
state unless they change what's in themselves (13:11).
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"Being Muslim" is scheduled to be released Sept. 15.
For more information, visit http://www.groundwoodbooks.com
Additional
articles by Haroon Siddiqui
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